Posts Tagged ‘United States’

JMC Constitution Day Event featured in Chicago edition of New York Times

Tuesday, September 20th, 2011

The Chicago edition of the New York Times featured a story on the debate between Alberto Coll and John Yoo on the topic of executive power and the war on terror. The debate was held at the Pritzker Military Library in Chicago and was sponsored by DePaul University and the JMC to commemorate Constitution Day.

from the New York Times

That Rare Political Debate: Both Civil and Full of Consequence

Alberto Coll fought fire with ice last week as he confronted provacative actions of former President George W. Bush’s war on terror.

Thursday night, Mr. Coll, a DePaul University law professor, engaged in a formal debate in Chicago over presidential powers with John Yoo, a controversial and fearless University of California law professor. As a Justice Department lawyer, Mr. Yoo helped shape Bush antiterrorism policies, most notably as an author of memos that justified harsh interrogation techniques and wiretapping without court warrants.

“We have a disagreement,” Mr. Coll told me earlier. “I think John is more comfortable putting a great deal of power in the president. I’m much more skeptical.”

The remark was made without a hint of rancor or condescension or frustration. Its tenor coursed a decidedly civil, even dispassionate, confrontation co-sponsored by ideologically diverse groups: the conservative Federalist Society and the liberal American Constitution Society, along with DePaul and the Jack Miller Center for the Teaching of American Founding Principles. |Read More|

To read the full transcript, please visit the link below:

John Yoo Alberto Coll Debate: Click Here

Proclamation of Thanksgiving

Thursday, November 25th, 2010

Washington, D.C.

October 3, 1863

This is the proclamation which set the precedent for America’s national day of Thanksgiving. During his administration, President Lincoln issued many orders like this. For example, on November 28, 1861, he ordered government departments closed for a local day of thanksgiving.

Sarah Josepha Hale, a prominent magazine editor, wrote a letter to Lincoln on 28, 1863, urging him to have the “day of our annual Thanksgiving made a National and fixed Union Festival.” She wrote, “You may have observed that, for some years past, there has been an increasing interest felt in our land to have the Thanksgiving held on the same day, in all the States; it now needs National recognition and authoritive fixation, only, to become permanently, an American custom and institution.” The document below sets apart the last Thursday of November “as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise.”

According to an April 1, 1864, letter from John Nicolay, one of President Lincoln’s secretaries, this document was written by Secretary of State William Seward, and the original was in his handwriting. On October 3, 1863, fellow Cabinet member Gideon Welles recorded in his diary that he complimented Seward on his work. A year later the manuscript was sold to benefit Union troops.

By the President of the United States of America.

A Proclamation.

The year that is drawing towards its close, has been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful

Abraham Lincoln, Sixteenth President of the Un...

Lincoln

skies. To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source from which they come, others have been added, which are of so extraordinary a nature, that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften even the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever watchful providence of Almighty God. In the midst of a civil war of unequaled magnitude and severity, which has sometimes seemed to foreign States to invite and to provoke their aggression, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has prevailed everywhere except in the theatre of military conflict; while that theatre has been greatly contracted by the advancing armies and navies of the Union. Needful diversions of wealth and of strength from the fields of peaceful industry to the national defence, have not arrested the plough, the shuttle or the ship; the axe has enlarged the borders of our settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious metals, have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. Population has steadily increased, notwithstanding the waste that has been made in the camp, the siege and the battle-field; and the country, rejoicing in the consiousness of augmented strength and vigor, is permitted to expect continuance of years with large increase of freedom. No human counsel hath devised nor hath any mortal hand worked out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most High God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy. It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly, reverently and gratefully acknowledged as with one heart and one voice by the whole American People. I do therefore invite my fellow citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next, as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the Heavens. And I recommend to them that while offering up the ascriptions justly due to Him for such singular deliverances and blessings, they do also, with humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend to His tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty Hand to heal the wounds of the nation and to restore it as soon as may be consistent with the Divine purposes to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tranquillity and Union.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this Third day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the Unites States the Eighty-eighth.

By the President: Abraham Lincoln

William H. Seward,

Secretary of State

Enhanced by Zemanta

Do American Students know what it means to be a citizen?

Tuesday, October 26th, 2010

A Survey of Over 1,000 Public and Private High School Civic Studies Teachers Says No

Down Load Full Report

Civics, once the cornerstone of public education, has fallen off the radar in the era of standardized testing. Teachers feel increasing pressure to show progress on student math and reading skills to the detriment of civic education. This is one of the many striking findings in a new report by the AEI Program on American Citizenship, a new initiative dedicated to strengthening the foundations of freedom and self-government by renewing the understanding of American citizenship.

The report, High Schools, Civics, and Citizenship: What Social Studies Teachers Think and Do, explores the views and practices of those most responsible for educating and shaping America’s new citizens–high school history and social studies teachers. It includes data gleaned from a survey of over 1,000 public and private high school teachers. Commissioned by AEI’s Program on American Citizenship, the survey was conducted by the Farkas Duffett Research Group. To see the full report, please visit http://www.aei.org/paper/100145.

“For all our laudable attention to reading and math in the past decade, we seem to have turned a blind eye to the crucial role schools play as shapers of character and pillars of citizenship,” says AEI director of education policy studies Frederick M. Hess. “In this national survey, Steve Farkas and Ann Duffett do a remarkable job of illuminating the consequence of neglecting what is being taught in American high schools. They provide a needed window into the attitudes and concerns of our high school social studies teachers.”

Among the survey’s key findings:

Despite concerns about anti-American sentiment in schools of education, teacher attitudes and values reflect what most would regard as a vision of responsible citizenship.

  • Fully 83 percent of teachers believe that the United States is a unique country that stands for something special in the world; 11 percent see it as just another country, no better and no worse. Similarly, 82 percent say students should learn to “respect and appreciate their country but know its shortcomings.”

  • About three in four teachers (76 percent) say that high schools should impart respect for military service.

Teachers are largely uncertain as to what should be taught about civics. They set too low a bar for what they expect students to know about American history and government.

  • Facts, such as key dates or the location of the 50 states, are the lowest priority for social studies teachers when it comes to teaching citizenship. Notions of tolerance and rights are emphasized instead of history, facts, and key constitutional concepts.

  • Only six in ten teachers deem it absolutely essential for high schools to teach students “to understand such concepts as federalism, separation of powers and checks and balances” (64 percent) and “to be knowledgeable about such periods as the American Founding, the Civil War and the Cold War” (63 percent).

Public school teachers are not confident that students are learning.

  • Regarding key concepts of citizenship, no more than 24 percent of public school teachers express great confidence that most of the students from their high school have actually learned these concepts before they graduate.

Social studies teachers believe their subject area is not viewed as a top priority–and that testing is partly to blame.

  • Seven in ten (70 percent) say social studies classes are a lower priority because of pressure to show progress on math and language arts statewide tests.

  • Nonetheless, social studies teachers want to hop on the testing bandwagon: 93 percent say “social studies should be part of every state’s set of standards and testing.”

Public and private school teachers share remarkably similar views when it comes to what students should learn about citizenship. Yet private school teachers express greater confidence that their subject is valued by their schools, and, most importantly, that their students are learning

  • Private school teachers are almost twice as likely to report having a great deal of control over what topics they choose to cover, and how quickly they move through the curriculum (86 percent versus 45 percent).

  • Private school teachers report significantly higher levels of confidence that most students in their high schools learn what they are supposed to know before they graduate.

  • Private school teachers are also more likely to report an overall more positive school atmosphere for conveying the importance of citizenship.

Gary Schmitt, director of the AEI Program on American Citizenship, concludes that, “this survey shows that teachers take the subject of civics seriously, but they lack guidance and support from parents, principals, and policy-makers. Making matters worse, teachers seem to be at sea as to what the content of a civics curriculum should be–with key concepts and important facts ‘failing’ to make the grade.”

Frederick Hess is available for interview and can be contacted through Jenna Schuette atjenna.schuette@aei.org, (202.862.5809). Gary Schmitt is available for interview and can be contacted through Cheryl Miller at cheryl.miller@aei.org, (202.419.5208). For additional media inquiries, please contact Sara Huneke at sara.huneke@aei.org, (202.862.4870).

Enhanced by Zemanta

Melancton Smith Unmasked: The Anti-Federalist Writings

Sunday, October 24th, 2010
The Anti-Federalist Writings of the Melancton Smith Circle, edited by Michael
P. Zuckert and Derek A. Webb. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, Inc., 2009, 447 pp.,
$29.00 cloth, $14.50 paperback.
Book Review (excerpted from publius.oxfordjournals.org)
Reviewed by Jonathan L. Silver
Georgetown University
In The Anti-Federalist Writings of the Melancton Smith Circle, editors Michael P. Zuckert and Derek A. Webb collect some of the most sophisticated and theoretically rich essays, speeches, letters, notes, and pamphlets by the Constitution’s opponents during the debate over its ratification. The volume reproduces in full everything the editors could find authored by Melancton Smith, including his speeches at the New York Ratifying Convention in 1788, as well as the Letters from the Federal Farmer and the Essays of Brutus. The contents of this volume are narrower than the two most popular competing compendiums of Anti-Federalist writing, both Murray Dry’s abridgment of Herbert J. Storing’s The Complete Anti-Federalist (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1985) and Ralph Ketcham’s edition of The Anti-Federalist Papers and the Constitutional Convention Debates (New York: Signet Classic, 2003). Excluding Centinel, A (Maryland) Farmer, Agrippa, the Impartial Examiner, Patrick Henry and others allow the editors to present more focused and coherent critical assessment of the proposed Constitution, in turn making it easier for students and scholars of these debates to specify their arguments with greater precision.
Zuckert and Webb have produced a volume that deserves a wide and thankful readership. While historians will find their carefully documented claims about a Smith circle of great interest, it is really political scientists who should consider the arguments of the Smith circle. Images of the American past and particularly of the founding dominate American political rhetoric. Nearly all serious public policy proposals are presented in terms of fulfilling the original ideals of the nation’s founding. Visionaries on the political left and the political right both seek to show that they are the true heirs of the same founding. A real science of politics must ascertain the wisdom of that founding, and competing claims to its mantel. In the service of that science, Zuckert and Webb help students and scholars of American politics rediscover that the framers do not pronounce their wisdom in one coherent and seamless voice. The founding of the United States took the unique form of a political debate, and arguments on multiple sides of that debate are responsible for the nation that grew out of it. As this volume so clearly demonstrates, the most eloquent arguments for the Bill of Rights, and the clearest recognitions of American political institutions’ dependency on a vibrant and
robust civic culture, were often advanced by the same framers who harbored the most
serious misgivings about the Constitution.

The Anti-Federalist Writings of the Melancton Smith Circle, edited by Michael

P. Zuckert and Derek A. Webb. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, Inc., 2009, 447 pp.,

$29.00 cloth, $14.50 paperback.

Book Review (excerpted from publius.oxfordjournals.org)

Reviewed by Jonathan L. Silver

Georgetown University

In The Anti-Federalist Writings of the Melancton Smith Circle, editors Michael P. Zuckert and Derek A. Webb collect some of the most sophisticated and theoretically rich essays, speeches, letters, notes, and pamphlets by the Constitution’s opponents during the debate over its ratification. The volume reproduces in full everything the editors could find authored by Melancton Smith, including his speeches at the New York Ratifying Convention in 1788, as well as the Letters from the Federal Farmer and the Essays of Brutus. The contents of this volume are narrower than the two most popular competing compendiums of Anti-Federalist writing, both Murray Dry’s abridgment of Herbert J. Storing’s The Complete Anti-Federalist (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1985) and Ralph Ketcham’s edition of The Anti-Federalist Papers and the Constitutional Convention Debates (New York: Signet Classic, 2003). Excluding Centinel, A (Maryland) Farmer, Agrippa, the Impartial Examiner, Patrick Henry and others allow the editors to present more focused and coherent critical assessment of the proposed Constitution, in turn making it easier for students and scholars of these debates to specify their arguments with greater precision.

Zuckert and Webb have produced a volume that deserves a wide and thankful readership. While historians will find their carefully documented claims about a Smith circle of great interest, it is really political scientists who should consider the arguments of the Smith circle. Images of the American past and particularly of the founding dominate American political rhetoric. Nearly all serious public policy proposals are presented in terms of fulfilling the original ideals of the nation’s founding. Visionaries on the political left and the political right both seek to show that they are the true heirs of the same founding. A real science of politics must ascertain the wisdom of that founding, and competing claims to its mantel. In the service of that science, Zuckert and Webb help students and scholars of American politics rediscover that the framers do not pronounce their wisdom in one coherent and seamless voice. The founding of the United States took the unique form of a political debate, and arguments on multiple sides of that debate are responsible for the nation that grew out of it. As this volume so clearly demonstrates, the most eloquent arguments for the Bill of Rights, and the clearest recognitions of American political institutions’ dependency on a vibrant and robust civic culture, were often advanced by the same framers who harbored the most serious misgivings about the Constitution.

|Buy it Today|

Enhanced by Zemanta

History lessons could become thing of the past

Thursday, October 14th, 2010


By: Cheryl Miller


Special to The San Francisco Examiner

October 13, 2010

Earlier this year, Massachusetts and New York, blaming budget troubles, pulled the plug on their state tests in U.S. history. Given the strident union rhetoric against “high-stakes” testing — America’s Federation of Teachers’ Randi Weingarten has accused reformers of turning schools into “Test Prep, Inc.” — one would have expected social studies teachers in the two states to be elated. Instead, they were outraged.

More than nine out of 10 teachers want social studies to become part of their state’s set of standards and testing, according to a new survey. But while teachers might want testing, they don’t necessarily love it. In fact, as the researchers behind the survey note, almost half say that their subject has been de-emphasized as a result of the 2001 No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB). Another half believes their school district treats civics as an “important but not essential” subject, and 70 percent claim it’s a lower priority because of pressure to show progress in math and reading.

Of course, NCLB is not uniquely responsible for the decline of civics. The law’s impact has been felt much more in elementary and middle schools than in high schools, and even then, much of the curriculum-narrowing predates NCLB. Still, NCLB reflects what we prioritize when it comes to education and, right now, knowledge of America’s history, political institutions and ideals is conspicuously absent. Nor is it surprising that states and school districts would downplay these subjects in favor of those for which they’re held publicly accountable and compared with one another: reading, math and science.

These are disturbing trends, and teachers are right to protest them. True, there is a healthy dose of self-interest about their complaints. With teacher layoffs now a reality in many resource-strapped states, social studies teachers are well aware that if their subject comes to be seen as dispensable, they may be too.

If testing helps restore civics in the minds of principals and legislators, it also focuses the minds and efforts of educators. As one Massachusetts teacher told Education Week, “You realize that without high stakes, we probably wouldn’t have pushed the students as hard, because we didn’t need to.”

Teachers could use that focus. Opponents like to argue that standardized testing produces narrow outcomes, but the current civics curriculum lacks definition. Given the chance to pick priorities, nearly half of the teachers think it’s important that students “internalize core values like tolerance and equality.” Less than 40 percent chose “understand[ing] the key principles of American government” as their top priority.

Moreover, only 63 percent of the surveyed teachers (the majority of whom teach U.S. history) think it’s “absolutely essential” to teach students about America’s past. Given this historical apathy, it’s a small miracle that only 40 percent say their students haven’t carefully studied the nation’s keystone documents — the U.S. Constitution and the Declaration of Independence.

America’s public schools were once thought to provide the cornerstone for an informed citizenry. What made “e pluribus unum” a fact was a common understanding of the rights and responsibilities we had as citizens and the role the government played in providing sound and effective self-rule.

We are playing fast and loose with our future if we continue to downplay or ignore the role civic education plays in making citizens of us all.

sfexaminer.com

Enhanced by Zemanta

Madison’s Montpelier: Introduction to the Constitution

Monday, October 11th, 2010


December 3–5, 2010

James Madison’s Montpelier • Orange, VA

Instructor: Henry L. Chambers, Jr., JD

February 11–13, 2011

James Madison’s Montpelier • Orange, VA

Instructor: Eugene Hickok, PhD

These scholars will provide teachers with a foundation in the Constitution, plus a firm grounding in its

First page of Constitution of the United States

U.S. Constitution

origins, purposes,and ongoing relevance today. The seminar will focus on the U.S. Constitution, the Declaration of Independence and its relationship to the Constitution, the debate over ratification between the Federalists and Anti-Federalists, and the origin of the Bill of Rights. Six permanent constitutional and political principles—liberty, republicanism, federalism, representation, separation of powers, and checks and balances—will also be discussed, as well as a nonpartisan conversation on constitutional interpretation.

The seminar will conclude with a dialogue about the meaning of citizenship under the Constitution.

How to Apply

1. Click here to apply online.

2. Download the seminar brochure and either mail or fax your application.

Admission will be decided for each Seminar on a rolling basis throughout the semester. Eligible applicants who cannot be included in a Seminar will be placed on a waiting list for any vacancies that may occur.  Early applicants, therefore, will have a better chance of gaining admission.  Applications received later in the season will be given full consideration as long as vacancies remain.

Enhanced by Zemanta

Madison’s Montpelier: The Evolution of American Citizenship

Monday, October 11th, 2010

November 12–14, 2010

James Madison’s Montpelier • Orange, VA

Instructor: Peter Wallenstein, PhD

Before the Civil War, the definition of citizenship was left largely to the states, where its meaning sometimes

stippling engraving of James Madison, Presiden...

James Madison

differed concerning race, gender, class, and religion. The 14th Amendment (ratified in 1868) declared anyone born in the United States to be a citizen of the nation, but many states long denied the benefits of full citizenship, in particular to African Americans. Using documents and other materials from Virginia and elsewhere, this seminar will explore how the meaning of citizenship has changed over the generations—from the American Revolution to the recent past.

Core issues to be examined are voting, education, transportation, and marriage.

How to Apply

1. Click here to apply online.

2. Download the seminar brochure and either mail or fax your application.

Admission will be decided for each Seminar on a rolling basis throughout the semester. Eligible applicants who cannot be included in a Seminar will be placed on a waiting list for any vacancies that may occur.  Early applicants, therefore, will have a better chance of gaining admission.  Applications received later in the season will be given full consideration as long as vacancies remain.

Enhanced by Zemanta

The Foundational Principles of the American Constitution

Monday, October 11th, 2010


October 29–31, 2010

James Madison’s Montpelier • Orange, VA

Instructors: Lynn Uzzell, PhD and

James Ceaser, PhD

The United States Constitution was an innovation in many respects, but even innovations do not occur in a vacuum. The Framers of the Constitution sought to incorporate the best of

March 4: James Madison begins the first of two...

James Madison

the history and theory of republican government into their new plan. Yet they did not allow this “decent regard” for antiquity or custom “to overrule the suggestions of their own good sense, the knowledge of their own situation, and the lessons of their own experience” (Federalist 14).

The Constitution is a work of political prudence: a union of sound theoretical principles combined with a sober appraisal of America’s unique circumstances. This seminar explores the foundational principles of the American Constitution, how these principles informed the making of the Constitution, and how they have been subsequently interpreted and applied.

How to Apply

1. Click here to apply online.

2. Download the seminar brochure and either mail or fax your application.

Admission will be decided for each Seminar on a rolling basis throughout the semester. Eligible applicants who cannot be included in a Seminar will be placed on a waiting list for any vacancies that may occur.  Early applicants, therefore, will have a better chance of gaining admission.  Applications received later in the season will be given full consideration as long as vacancies remain.

Enhanced by Zemanta

The Trouble with “Vocational” Citizenship

Saturday, October 9th, 2010

By Frederick Hess in Education Next

Schools focused intensely on reading and math assessments have deemphasized traditional sources of knowledge related to citizenship, including foundational documents and bodies of thought. While many fourth-graders today are tasked with writing a letter to the president, rare is the classroom where those students will spend much time discussing what it means to be a good American citizen.

School Speaking Event in Montreal

Education

I’m not certain how we tackle this, and I sure prefer vocational citizenship to no citizenship at all. But I think the issue deserves our attention, and at least a little bit of angst. This is doubly true in an era rife with debates over citizenship, religious tolerance, the size of government, and the role of our nation in the world. And I’m pretty confident the first step in addressing it is acknowledging it; discussing it; and arguing about how severe the challenge is, what’s causing it, and how to address it.

|Read More|

Enhanced by Zemanta

Self Reliance: Benjamin Franklin on American Happiness

Thursday, October 7th, 2010

A wise advisor for troubled times

JERRY WEINBERGER in City Journal

Franklin was as American as apple pie. Talk about a man on the move in the social flux! Born to a poor but hard-working family, he got but two years of formal education and was, at 17,

Benjamin Franklin.

Benjamin Franklin

a runaway apprentice on the lam in Philadelphia with nothing but his wits and some bakery buns on which to subsist. From this bad start, he pulled off the American dream: at 19 in London, a pal of the coffeehouse intellectual elite; rich and retired from his vertically integrated publishing empire at 42; famous scientist soon after; big-time politician and public improver and then bigger-time revolutionary diplomat; Constitutional framer; and everlasting glory as the face of the $100 bill.

There were two things Franklin wasn’t so good at: the family and religion. In matters of faith, he was at best a Deist, denying that God interferes in any way with human life; and in matters of the family, he was a decent father but a poor husband who reacted with indifference to his wife’s death in Philadelphia while he was in London hobnobbing with the rich and famous. So we need to revise a bit: Franklin perhaps was not as American as apple pie, but he was as American as the carnival hustler’s corn dog.

Franklin was, in fact, an American for all seasons. On the one hand, we read in the pages of Poor Richard’s Almanac and elsewhere homilies about sobriety, thrift, hard work, self-reliance, the way to wealth, the virtues of marriage, and especially (as for Tocqueville later on) the importance of tolerant religion and divine reward and punishment. If men are so bad with religion, he once said, imagine what they would be like without it. The famous Autobiography is a tale of self-redemption and self-mastery. There we learn that, from reading the Enlightenment philosophers, Franklin became a free-thinking libertine, even a nihilist, until he realized the practical and moral danger he was in, cleaned up his act, put himself to thrift and incessant work, and then dedicated his life to public service and easy-going, do-good piety.

On the other hand, the bourgeois and pious Ben Franklin is hard to square with much of what he wrote throughout his life, especially about morality, the family, and religion. The bourgeois, believing Franklin is a fiction, and more than a few people who knew him, including John Adams, thought so. But despite his skepticism, he was so happy in his life that he offered to live it over again, exactly as it had transpired. So what was the secret to his felicity? What was Franklin’s idea of happiness and the good life apart from bourgeois virtue and tolerant piety?

|Read More|

Enhanced by Zemanta